Gender Perceptions in Haiti

May 14

April 2025

Joshua Stacey

INTRODUCTION

Haiti faces a multidimensional crisis rooted in a complex history of colonialism, political instability, and socioeconomic inequality, all of which have had deeply gendered consequences. The UN claims 20% of Haiti’s people endure acute levels of hunger, and over 1 million have fled their homes because of violence. Gang violence and warfare has also made it often impossible to seek medical care. Some hospitals report that police clash with gang members even inside hospitals, including emergency rooms. A prominent medical doctor and anthropologist even described Haiti as a “living laboratory for the study of affliction, no matter how it is defined,” where “one learns a great deal about suffering.” Sex and gender-based violence, particularly sexual violence, are both a symptom and a tool of systemic oppression, exacerbated by entrenched patriarchal norms, gang violence, and weak state institutions. The Haitian government estimates the number of armed gang members to be around 12,000. This report explores the historical and current dimensions of gender in Haiti, including the evolution of sexual violence, the gender dynamics within and around gangs, the vulnerabilities of women and girls, and men and boys, and makes recommendations regarding the urgent need to train and empower the Multinational Security Support mission (MSSM) to address sexual violence effectively and equitably.

THE GENDERED LANDSCAPE IN HAITI

Haiti’s gender gaps are amongst the widest in the Western Hemisphere. Haiti ranked 163 out of 170 countries in UNDP’s Gender Inequality Index in 2021, a composite metric of gender inequality in reproductive health, empowerment, and the labor market.6 Haiti falls behind many other nations in the Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) region when it comes to gender equality. The Gender Development Index (GDI), which measures gender equality with values closer to 1 indicating greater parity, placed Haiti at 0.898 in 2021—significantly below the LAC regional average of 0.963.7 According to the 2019 Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI), Haiti exhibits a moderate level of gender-based discrimination with medium levels of bias in areas such as family dynamics and personal safety, while it scores low in terms of limitations on economic and financial access. However, discrimination is considered high in the area of civil liberties.

Haiti is legally bound, both by its national laws and international commitments, to prevent sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), including conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), and to safeguard women and girls from all forms of discrimination.10 It is a signatory to key international human rights treaties such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.11 These commitments, however, are seldom enforced.

Women face poor maternal health outcomes due to limited access to skilled birth attendants, birthing facilities, and low agency in health decisions. Haiti's maternal mortality ratio stands at 350 deaths per 100,000 live births, reflecting pregnancy-related deaths during pregnancy or within 42 days after birth.12 While this marks a slight improvement from 400 in 2000, it remains significantly higher than the regional average. Women in Haiti have the second-highest maternal mortality rate outside Sub-Saharan Africa.13 One key factor behind maternal mortality in Haiti is the shortage of professionally trained birth attendants, especially in rural areas. Contributing issues include limited access to healthcare facilities, high costs, and poor infrastructure—125 out of 571 local districts in Haiti, for example, lack any health centers.14 Only 42% of births are assisted by skilled health workers.15 Additionally, the adolescent birth rate is high at 100 per 1,000 girls aged 15–19, driven by limited access to contraception, sexual violence, and other challenges.

Insecurity and gang violence contribute to poor reproductive and health services for women, as many clinics and hospitals have been looted or shut down by gangs. Reports of women being unable to get to a hospital or take an ill child to see a doctor due to the prevalence of violence are common. Many women often flee their homes or neighbourhoods after experiencing rape or sexual assault. Women who are displaced by violence remain even more vulnerable, with sexual violence against women remaining alarmingly high in displacement camps, often perpetrated by camp management.18 Due to the widespread gang violence, victims of rape and other sexual violence are generally not able to access post-rape treatment kits, which must be administered within 72 hours, otherwise increasing the likelihood of contracting HIV, other sexually transmitted diseases, as well as exposing women to unwanted pregnancies. Indeed, Haiti’s HIV epidemic even has a “feminized” profile: HIV prevalence is 2.3% among women, compared to 1.6% among men.

The legal marriage age in Haiti is 18 for men and 15 for women. While early and forced marriages are not widespread, instances of rape survivors being forced to marry their assailants have been reported. Formal marriage (both religious and legal) is relatively rare, with many couples opting for long-term cohabitation similar to common-law unions. Although the government does not officially recognize these relationships, children born from them can still be legally acknowledged by both parents. Polygamy is common among men, who often maintain more than one partner at a time. Domestic violence and rape were only criminalised in 2005, whereas laws and policies against sexual harassment do not exist.

Despite laws prohibiting gender-based economic discrimination, enforcement remains weak in Haiti, and women continue to face barriers such as limited job opportunities, lower wages, and restricted access to credit and financial services. Women, on average, earn 32% less than men, and workplace discrimination persists. Reports highlight cases of sexual harassment, gender and racial discrimination, and the unlawful dismissal of women workers from their employment during pregnancy, maternity leave, and times of breastfeeding.

Girls in Haiti are particularly vulnerable to exploitation in the informal economy, with many involved in the restavek system—a form of child labor where children work in exchange for shelter, minimal or no pay, and basic necessities like food and clothing. Overall, women are more concentrated in informal work (60%) than men, who are more likely to own a business (36% of men vs. 9% of women) or be formally employed (43% of men vs. 20% of women).28 Social attitudes also reflect resistance to women’s participation in the workforce, with 27% of Haitians opposing women’s paid employment—the highest rate in the region.29 Structural inequalities persist in access to resources. Traditional inheritance customs often favor male heirs, and only 8% of rural women own land, compared to 14% of men.

Boys' education is often historically prioritized over girls', largely due to the belief that males are more likely to provide financial support to their families. Girls are more likely to marry and begin raising families at a younger age. Despite this, World Bank data highlights developments in girls’ educational participation. By 2017, girls surpassed boys in enrolment across all levels of the education system, except for primary schooling in urban areas, where the gender gap was relatively small. For example, net school attendance for girls in urban areas stood at 65%, compared to 59% for boys. In rural regions, the gap was even wider, with 41% of girls attending school versus just 30% of boys. This reversal of the gender gap, however, is worrying, as higher rates of boys dropping out of school renders them vulnerable to risks associated with low educational attainment, including reducing future earning potential, consumption of alcohol and drugs, crime and association with gangs.

HAITI’S POLITICAL CONTEXT TODAY

Image / Source: Haitian President Jean-Pierre Boyer receiving Charles X’s decree recognizing Haitian independence on July 11, 1825. Bibliotheque Nationale de France

Haiti is in the grip of an unprecedented crisis driven by the explosive rise of armed gangs, which now control approximately 85% of the capital, Port-au-Prince, and are expanding into rural areas. Since the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse in 2021, the collapse of political authority has enabled the proliferation of these gangs, which operate with impunity and frequently outgun the Haitian National Police. Major gang coalitions like G9 and G-Pèp have turned cities into battlegrounds, using extreme violence—including mass killings, kidnappings, and sexual assault—as tools of control. Gangs have become not just criminal actors but political forces, often linked to powerful elites, making them harder to dismantle. The head of Haiti’s oldest newspaper, Le Nouvelliste, even warned in autumn 2024 that the capital city, Port au Prince, could fall.

Sexual violence has escalated to crisis levels, becoming a deliberate and systematic weapon of war. Gangs use rape and sexual torture to terrorize communities, assert dominance over territory, and punish opposition. Women and girls are the primary targets, but men and boys have also been victimized. In many attacks, victims are assaulted in front of family members or in public as acts of humiliation.38 From January to March 2024 alone, 1,793 cases of gender-based violence were reported—75% of which were sexual in nature—and 94% of survivors were women and girls. James Elder, the UNICEF spokesperson, claims that sexual violence against children has increased 1000% since 2023.40 These figures only reflect the tip of the iceberg, as fear, stigma, and gang surveillance prevent many from reporting. In some gang-controlled areas, sexual violence is so normalized that victims are raped in broad daylight, even on public transportation.

Displacement, hunger, and the collapse of basic services—fueled by the violence—have deepened the vulnerability of women and girls. Gang violence that leads to displacement, which has become increasingly common, can also lead to family separation, resulting in many child- and woman-headed households, which further increases the risk of sexual exploitation and abuse for women and children. Many now live in informal camps or schools with little security, where further sexual exploitation is rampant, including by those in charge of aid distribution. Gangs often coerce women into sexual relationships in exchange for protection or survival, while boys are coerced into violence.

CHILDREN IN HAITIAN GANGS

Gangs in Haiti have increasingly turned to the recruitment of children, as they expand their control across the country. Children are easy recruits: there are no jobs, little economic activity, and more than half of Haiti’s population is under the age of 25. According to the UN, child recruitment surged by 70% in 2024, with estimates suggesting that 30–50% of gang members are now minors.

Recruitment is not always voluntary, and the environment of fear, violence, and economic desperation leaves many children with few alternatives. Once inside, children often experience extreme brutality and are sometimes forced to commit atrocities including crimes, which further entraps them in gang life. Boys and girls are often abducted or coerced into joining a gang to play different roles. While boys are typically recruited for violent or logistical roles, girls are often forced into domestic servitude or sexual slavery under the guise of being "wives" to gang members.

Boys, in many cases, are used as lookouts or informants—roles that capitalize on their perceived invisibility and lower risk of detection. Others are coerced into more active roles, such as participating in attacks or carrying weapons. Extreme poverty, hunger, and the collapse of social services have made it easier for gangs to exploit children’s vulnerability. Some boys are lured in with cash payments—ranging from small weekly stipends to more substantial sums for carrying out dangerous tasks—while others are abducted into joining under the threat of violence to themselves or their families.

While women and girls form the majority of victims of sexual violence at the hands of armed gangs, some women and girls play different roles in gangs and in perpetuating gang violence, ranging from indirect involvement as partners or beneficiaries of gang activities to direct participation in criminal acts such as carrying weapons, aiding kidnappings, and stealing valuables during attacks. Reports detail that the police arrest women who are members of gangs, although they supposedly always claim that do not know anything about the gangs or their activities. While some women are the blood relatives or wives and girlfriends, other women are coerced into relationships with gang members, facing internal displacement or even death if they refuse.

Women and girls are not organized into all-female armed groups, although they sometimes accompany gangs during assaults to reduce community and police suspicion and assist in operations, including carrying weapons. Women sometimes play a role in kidnappings, for example approaching a man unsuspectingly to ask a question, for the gang members to then take advantage of the moment and capture the victim. Gangs have also targeted prisons, including the Cabaret women’s prison, to free detained associates or partners, with recent attacks leading to fatalities and mass escapes. The rise in gang violence since 2018 has resulted in widespread devastation, including murders, rapes, and the destruction of homes, exacerbating insecurity and vulnerability for women across Haiti.

The use of children reflects both the breakdown of state protection mechanisms and the strategic adaptability of gangs, who view minors as both expendable and effective tools in asserting territorial and political control. The long-term psychological, social, and developmental damage to these children is profound, creating a generation deeply affected by trauma, violence, and lost opportunities.

THE LEGACY OF SGBV AND CRSV IN HAITI

Image / Source: Activists and students raise placards and shout slogans during a protest against the increased number of rapes and violence against women, May 26, 2019 in Port-au-Prince. (CHANDAN KHANNA/AFP via Getty Images)

The roots of SGBV and CRSV in Haiti are deeply intertwined with the country’s colonial legacy. Under Spanish and later French rule, enslaved Africans were forced to work on plantations producing sugar, coffee, indigo, cacao, and cotton. Haitians fought for and eventually gained their independence in 1804, becoming the world’s first black-led republic and the first country to permanently abolish slavery. Women then played a key role in fighting for Haiti’s independence. However, France burdened Haiti with harsh reparations, leaving it with deeply ingrained systems of inequality. Haiti eventually paid the French the equivalent of 25 million USD,64 which represented 300% of the Haitian GDP in 1825. This debt, which persisted for over a century, severely hindered Haiti's development, contributing to poverty, inflation, and the re-emergence of exploitative labor systems resembling slavery. Systemic dehumanization persisted long after foreign rule ended, leaving women particularly vulnerable to violence and marginalization. Those who rose to prominence or advocated for change were often deliberately targeted, as silencing them was a strategic way to destabilize entire communities and suppress collective resistance.

Gangs in Haiti did not emerge solely from poverty or social exclusion—they were deliberately supported by powerful elites, including politicians and business leaders, to protect their interests, suppress grassroots movements, and control opposition. Initially tools for political manipulation and voter coercion, especially during elections, these gangs engaged in intimidation, targeted killings, and widespread violence. Over time, however, they have outgrown their original patrons and now operate independently, wielding significant influence and acting as autonomous power players in Haiti’s unstable political landscape.

During the brutal dictatorship of François “Papa Doc” Duvalier, which began in 1957 and lasted for almost 30 years, the paramilitary force known as the Tonton Macoutes institutionalized sexual violence as a method of political control. Women related to political opponents were systematically raped, and this tactic continued long after the regime fell. In the 1990s, following the coup against Haiti’s first democratically elected president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, paramilitary groups—many of them former Macoutes—used rape as a political weapon. These acts were not random but carefully executed to instill fear and punish political loyalties. Reports from organizations like Human Rights Watch revealed that women were often interrogated about their affiliations during their assaults, describing sexual violence in Haiti as a “weapon of terror.” The attackers operated with impunity, further entrenching a belief that justice was inaccessible. Even as human rights groups began formally categorizing GBV as a specific form of violence, victims continued to face stigma and retaliation, which discouraged reporting and allowed the cycle to persist.

Following Aristide’s second ousting in 2004, armed groups and political actors escalated the use of rape to terrorize communities. A Lancet report found that between 2004 and 2006, around 35,000 women were sexually assaulted, sometimes by government forces.7Civil society organizations in Port-au-Prince estimate that more than 70% of women and girls who are victims of SGBV and CRSV will not report it, because the crime will not be taken seriously and the perpetrators never held to account.

The 2010 earthquake worsened the situation, displacing thousands into camps where women and children were left unprotected. These camps became sites of sexual exploitation by both gangs and, disturbingly, aid workers. The UN peacekeeping mission (MINUSTAH), which deployed between 2004 and 2017, brought its own wave of abuse, with many peacekeepers coercing women and girls into sexual relationships in exchange for aid or food, often fathering children they later abandoned. These exploitative acts compounded the trauma of disaster survivors and highlighted failures of international actors to protect vulnerable populations. Today, the scars of this history remain visible in the impunity surrounding sexual violence, the silence of victims, and the ongoing struggle of Haitian women.

A Norway-led Specialized Police Team (SPT) was deployed to Haiti from 2010 to 2019 as part of MINUSTAH to address the dramatic rise in sexual and gender-based violence following the 2010 earthquake, aiming to build the HNP’s capacity to prevent, investigate, and prosecute SGBV related crimes. The SPT introduced specialized training for over 1,700 HNP officers and justice actors, established dedicated SGBV offices, and created a specialized unit to lead national SGBV efforts, funded by Norway’s earmarked budget. While these initiatives improved professionalism and victim sensitivity within the HNP, their long-term effectiveness and sustainability have been undermined by a lack of systematic follow-up, insufficient resources, and Haiti’s deteriorating political and economic conditions, leading to the closure of several SGBV offices and a halt in new police cadet training. An evaluation of the Norway’s efforts concluded that in future specialized police teams, careful planning for sustained funding, monitoring, and local ownership is crucial to prevent the erosion of gains once international support ends.

MEN AND BOYS AS VICTIMS OF SBGV & CRSV

SGBV and CRSV against men and boys are not uncommon in Haiti and cases remain even more underreported than cases against women and girls. A study conducted after the 2010 earthquake, for example, showed that 15.9% of adolescent boys and young men aged 13-23 had experienced sexual violence, as well as 23% of adolescent girls and young women. Another study using the same dataset reported that 9% of young women and 7.6% of young men aged 18-24 had previously experienced coerced and forced sex before the age of 18.
The use of sexual violence to control an area is not only limited to women and girls, but also includes raping men and boys and members of the LGBTQ+ community. Within the context of conflict related sexual violence, gangs reportedly force some young men and boys to rape women and girls once they join, and that men and boys, during some attacks, are forced to have sexual relations with their mothers, sisters, or other women in their families. Between January and October 2021, 23% of the care provided to GBV cases through the Haitian health system were men and boys.

One study shows that sexual violence against women and girls has been, to a certain extent, normalized, while sexual violence against men and boys remains highly stigmatized. The stigmatization of male victims of CRSV and SGBV is largely due to pervasive homophobia, contributing to even higher rates of under-reporting by male victims who fear being perceived as homosexual if they come forward. Finding appropriate care for male victims of SGBV and CRSV is even more difficult than for female victims. Male survivors of sexual violence have been referred to as “invisible victims” due to widespread taboo; the World Health Organization has identified sexual violence against men and boys as an issue that has been “largely neglected.” Consequences of sexual violence against men and boys include sexually transmitted infections, genital and rectal trauma, sexual dysfunction, problems with urination, PTSD, depression, and anxiety. Many male victims remain isolated, experiencing deep shame and humiliation, anger, fear, and powerlessness, as well as facing potential questions around their gender identity and sexual orientation.

THE TRANSITIONAL PRESIDENTIAL COUNCIL

Source: Haiti Transitional Council (Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved)

In response to Haiti's deepening political and security crisis, a Transitional Presidential Council (TPC) was established in April 2024 to guide the country toward stabilization and democratic elections. Comprising nine members—seven voting and two non-voting—the Council was designed to fill the leadership vacuum left by the resignation of de facto Prime Minister Ariel Henry.94 However, the council’s gender representation has drawn widespread criticism: only one woman, Régine Abraham, was appointed, and notably, holds a non-voting position. This falls far short of the 30% female participation quota enshrined in Haiti’s constitution and signals a significant disconnect between policy commitments and actual inclusion of women in governance during this pivotal period.

Despite this exclusion at the highest level, some positive developments have followed. Prime Minister Garry Conille, appointed by the TPC in June 2024, announced a cabinet in which four of the eighteen ministers are women, including those leading the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Economy and Finance. Though still under the required threshold of 30%, this represents a step toward greater inclusion. Women’s rights advocates argue that meaningful representation is not merely symbolic—it is essential for effectively addressing the country’s most urgent issues, especially the surge in gender-based and sexual violence, which disproportionately affects women and girls. The presence of women in decision-making positions is vital for shaping security strategies that address these realities.

Haitian women have historically played central roles in advocacy and community leadership, including efforts to combat gang violence and support survivors of GBV. The co-founder of a feminist organization based in Haiti claims, “Haitian women are actors, leaders and survivors, not just victims of violence and migrants fleeing their homes.” Their exclusion from the TPC reflects a broader pattern of marginalization that weakens Haiti’s path to recovery. As Haiti prepares for elections in 2026 and continues the deployment of the MSSM, integrating women meaningfully into governance and security planning is not only a matter of rights—it is a necessity for peacebuilding, accountability, and restoring public trust in state institutions. Despite the launch of the Kenya-led MSSM in mid-2024, concerns remain over its limited capacity and lack of gender-sensitive safeguards. Until effective law enforcement, community protection, and survivor-centered support systems are established, Haiti's cycle of violence—particularly sexual violence—will continue to destroy lives and destabilize the nation.

THE MSSM

The international response to Haiti’s 2022 request for military assistance has been slow, with the first 400 Kenyan officers arriving only in mid-2024 due to legal and logistical delays. This is part of a planned deployment of 1,500 Kenyan police and over 1,000 personnel from other countries, though it remains far smaller than past missions like MINUSTAH. Concerns have been raised about the MSSM's accountability and human rights safeguards, especially given past abuses by international forces and the Kenyan police. Some local civil society actors fear the mission could unintentionally increase GBV, as the displacement of gangs—who sometimes offer protection—might leave some women and girls more vulnerable.

The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) continued its advisory role with the MSSM, providing technical assistance between October and December 2024 to help establish a mechanism for investigating human rights violations by MSSM personnel, including potential cases of sexual exploitation and abuse. This mechanism outlined procedures for information gathering, investigation timelines, and the responsibilities of involved actors. Additionally, on 3 and 5 December, OHCHR conducted two awareness sessions with the Bahamas MSSM contingent, focusing on human rights in operational settings, the use of force, prevention of sexual abuse, handling children associated with gangs, and adherence to humanitarian principles.

Recommendations for MSSM and HNP to Address Gendered Violence and SGBV Holistically

1. Establish Institutional Frameworks

Create a national SGBV/CRSV Committee: Donors and partners should work with the Haitian government to form a dedicated committee within the Haitian Cabinet, composed of relevant ministers, stakeholders and members of the HNP, to coordinate preventive, restorative, educational, and judicial efforts against SGBV and CRSV. The committee should be led by women, over 50% of its members should be women, particularly those from civil society organizations, and prioritize the experiences of survivors of SGBV and CRSV, and should work closely with local NGOs, the HNP, and community organizations to develop a unified national strategy. This committee should advise the MSSM and HNP on addressing SGBV and CRSV.

Integrate a Gender Component in MSSM Operations: Train MSSM and HNP personnel to recognize and respond to SGBV/CRSV effectively, with a variety of victims in mind, including women and girls, men and boys, and LGBTQ+ individuals. Establish protocols for protecting victims and collaborate with local women’s organizations for culturally sensitive approaches. This process should be in close coordination with civil society organizations in different areas of Haiti to provide localized responses.

2. Strengthen Data Collection and Monitoring

Prioritize Comprehensive SGBV Data Collection: Implement secure digital reporting tools to collect accurate data on SGBV incidents while ensuring victim protection. Share data publicly to raise awareness and pressure authorities to act on documented evidence.

Monitoring and Evaluation: Include questions on sex and gender-based violence victimization in monitoring tools to track trends. Ensure referral pathways are in place for disclosures and disseminate findings to national and local stakeholders for informed adjustments.

3. Build Trust in Law Enforcement

Reform Police and Judiciary Practices: Train HNP officers and judicial actors on investigating SGBV cases sensitively and effectively. Address impunity by ensuring accountability for perpetrators.

Establish Complaint Response Mechanisms (CRM): Identify and support existing systems or create new systems where survivors can safely (and anonymously if necessary) report SGBV cases, ensuring timely responses and follow-ups.

4. Community-Level Sensitization

Awareness Campaigns: Organize educational campaigns targeting traditional leaders, men, youth, and religious leaders to foster supportive environments for survivors. Focus on reducing stigma and encouraging community support. A portion of this should center on reducing stigma towards male victims of SGBV and CRSV.

Household Dialogue Programs: Identify men with gender-equitable attitudes as "first adopters" to promote reflection on masculinity and encourage non-financial support roles within households and communities.

5. Expand Survivor Support Systems

Strengthen Referral Pathways: Conduct SGBV referral mapping in collaboration with women-led organizations to establish clear pathways for survivor support. Update these pathways bi-annually to reflect changes in service availability.

Safe Spaces and Services: Provide timely medical care, counseling, safe housing, hotlines, mobile health units, and paralegal support for all survivors. Ensure that language used regarding survivors includes women, girls, men, boys, and LGBTQ+ so as not to in inadvertently exclude anyone.

6. Promote Survivor-Centred Governance

Meaningful Inclusion of Women in Leadership: Ensure women, particularly survivors, are represented in transitional governance efforts such as the Transitional Presidential Council. Their insights are critical for effective prevention measures and rebuilding trust within communities.

Support Grassroots Movements: Partner with women-led organizations actively documenting SGBV cases and providing services under challenging circumstances. Strengthen their operational capacity through funding and technical assistance.

7. Long-Term Gender Equality Initiatives

Empower Women Economically and Politically: Increase women’s representation in decision-making roles while promoting economic opportunities for them.

Sophia Warby